Examinando por Materia "PARTICIPACIÓN CIUDADANA - MEDELLÍN (COLOMBIA)"
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Publicación Escenarios de la paz urbana en Medellín como política pública con la presencia o ausencia de las economías populares : caso de estudio sindicato familia de la calle, comuna 4, Aranjuez(Universidad EAFIT, 2026-05-28) Coral Aristizábal, Manuel Alejandro; Maya Salazar, Adolfo LeónPublicación La Junta Administradora Local como instrumento de recuperación de las capacidades de estado en la Comuna 1 – Popular de Medellín entre 2016 y 2023(Universidad EAFIT, 2022) Macías Betancur, Farley Jhaír; Uribe López, Mauricio; Vieira Silva, Juan Guillermo; Uribe López, Mauricio; Vieira Silva, Juan GuillermoA superficial glance at the social and political dynamics of Comuna 1 – Popular of Medellín reveals that, while it is one of the most affected by public order issues and registers some of the highest rates of violence and insecurity, it is also one of the areas with the highest levels of citizen participation in electoral processes, particularly in those for local collegiate authorities (Medellín City Council and Local Administrative Board) and participatory budgeting prioritization. Since the initial settlement in the area in the mid-1960s, there has been a constant struggle between the legitimate and legal state institutions and illegal criminal organizations, which have garnered a certain degree of legitimacy from the community. In the spirit of the 1991 constitutional framers, as reflected in Article 318 of the Political Constitution, Local Administrative Boards, which have been legislatively addressed from Law 136 of 1994 to Law 2086 of 2021, are tasked, among other things, with acting as mediating agents between the State and those organizations that challenge its capacities: coercion, taxation, and the legal handling of conflicts (Tilly, 1992). Taking this task as a priority, the Local Administrative Board of Comuna 1 – Popular of Medellín, during the periods between 2016 and 2023, has played a leading role as an instrument for restoring the State’s capacities in the area. It has significantly managed to ensure that illegal groups, despite acting in collusion and coexistence with state institutions, no longer remain actors who exercise violence, extort, and mediate conflicts between citizens.Publicación Modelo de gobernanza para la implementación de la política de economía circular en Medellín(Universidad EAFIT, 2025) Gutiérrez Ocampo, Sara; Narváez Lombana, Santiago; Vergara Olaya, José Daniel; Cadavid Restrepo, Carlos FernandoThis research analyzes how the District of Medellín can consolidate an effective transition toward a circular economy through a governance system that integrates institutional leadership, multi-actor coordination, cultural transformation, and economic sustainability. Based on an analysis of the Regulatory Decree of the Public Policy on Circular Economy (2025), the theoretical framework on collaborative governance, and interviews with key actors within the local ecosystem, the study identifies weak intersectoral coordination, limited political prioritization of the issue, and a lack of sustained leadership as the main obstacles to advancing circularity. In response, it proposes a model that conceives governance as a dynamic process of cooperation among public, private, academic, and community actors, guided by centralized leadership from the Mayor’s Office of Medellín. The proposed circular governance model is structured around four interdependent pillars: leadership, coordination, culture, and economy. Public leadership seeks to ensure coherence and continuity in management; multi-actor coordination promotes territorial synergies and resource efficiency; citizen culture and education strengthen the social appropriation of circularity; and the economic dimension prioritizes productivity, innovation, and labor inclusion. Together, these components allow circular economy to be conceived not only as an environmental policy but also as an urban and social development strategy grounded in shared responsibility and participation. Medellín, thanks to its trajectory of innovation and urban transformation, has the conditions to become a regional benchmark if it succeeds in institutionalizing circularity as a structural city policy that transcends government cycles.Ítem La nueva gestión pública en Medellín = New Public Management In Medellín(Universidad EAFIT, 2010-07) Ramos Molano, Diana Lorena; Universidad EAFITPublicación Redes sociales y participación electoral juvenil : estrategias de comunicación política en las elecciones de los consejos municipales de juventud en Colombia, 2025(Universidad EAFIT, 2026-05-15) Mosquera Saucedo, Juan David; Montoya Cano, Juliana; Restrepo E, Néstor JuliánThis study examines how political communication strategies on social media influenced electoral participation among young people aged 14 to 28 during the Municipal Youth Council (CMJ) elections held in Colombia in October 2025. The research employed a mixed-methods approach and was primarily funded by three sources. The first was a panel of seven experts in political communication and youth participation. Then, they surveyed 70 young people from Medellín, Envigado and Guarne. Finally, the official accounts of the lists Jóvenes Creemos, Movimiento Escuela and Primero los Jóvenes were systematically monitored during the weeks prior to the election. The analysis points to Instagram and TikTok as the main sources of political information for the young people surveyed. More than 90% agree that digital media influences the image they have of candidates and the trust they generate. However, the data reflects low real levels of participation. This mismatch between high digital exposure and low effective participation means that social networks are more a tool to reinforce already politically involved young people than a suitable means to attract new voters to the traditional polls. Evaluation of digital media finds that reels generated the most engagement, and opinion-based and emotional content traveled further than informational posts or direct appeals to vote. Therefore, the findings imply that social media are a necessary, but not sufficient tool to encourage youth voting. Their potential is shown above all when combined with civic education, credible instructional suggestions, and effective work on the ground.